It is no longer enough for the Syrian opposition to reconsider its calculations and relationships network. It must draw up a new drastic program relying on the domestic arena, in light of the network of international and regional relations which pushed its revolution towards the obstacle.
It would be easy to blame its political wings and military forces inside and outside the border, but it would be unfair to hold it responsible for the entire outcome of the situation. Moreover, it would be easy to blame its friend in the West and the region, but at this level as well, there should be no exaggeration, considering that the latter have calculations and interests that cannot be disregarded and overcome, and that supersede moral considerations which require all the sides to do their best to stop the bloodbath in Syria, along with the machine that is destroying the country and its people.
In light of the absence of any signs pointing to an imminent military settlement or political solution, the opposition has no choice but to go back to the Syrian domestic scene and rely on its political and military powers to even out the balance of powers and impose the solution wanted by the Syrians.
It is no longer useful for the National Coalition to await the “antidote from Iraq” as it is said, or from America, Europe, Turkey and some Arabs
It is no longer useful for the National Coalition to await the “antidote from Iraq” as it is said, or from America, Europe, Turkey and some Arabs, as a condition for the establishment of the transitional government. Ever since the establishment of the National Council, pointless disputes erupted inside of it and mostly revolved around foreign intervention.
Some forces even left the Council due to their opposition of the calls of some parties for such an intervention, as it happened in Iraq. Hence, the opposition’s components diverged for a long time over an issue which was never even on the table.
Indeed, Turkey – which raised its voice since the beginning of the action to issue threats and warnings – never had any willingness to intervene, and even when its border was attacked, it did not perceive this as a pretext for any sort of involvement on the field, but rather as an opportunity to summon NATO’s support and Patriot missiles! Jordan on the other hand – which supported the calls for President Bashar al-Assad to step down – did not open its border for anyone but the refugees, thus abstaining from providing weapons or facilitating their passage in light of the action brewing on its domestic arena.
As for the American administration, which can easily be blamed today for abstaining from intervention and for standing behind the divided Security Council or the U.N.-Arab Envoy, it never even considered an intervention and was late – since the beginning – to even call on al-Assad to step down.
This is bearing in mind what happened in Iraq and Afghanistan, which are now returning to square one and to the language of arms and infighting. And just like America, Europe is also reluctant, as opposed to when it was overwhelmingly compelled to change the regime in Libya, for reasons that are partly related to this country’s oil wealth and others related to security issues, considering that Qaddafi’s Jamahiriya constituted a passageway for illegal immigrants and smuggling networks into Europe’s South and West.
Weapons coming from the Western Sahara
Foreign help not available
Internal forces helping regime
Nothing can justify the absence of clear strategic relations between the opposition and the Kurds, knowing that the latter now feel they have seized control over the management of their regions with their own hands and for the first time ever, despite the disputes prevailing between their parties and groups and the divergences affecting their agendas.
Since the fifties, the Baath party’s literature has called for the Arabization of their regions to smother their national identity, and they had to suffer great racial segregation
The Coalition should firstly understand the Kurds’ problem in order to rebuild the bridges with them. Since the fifties, the Baath party’s literature has called for the Arabization of their regions to smother their national identity, and they had to suffer great racial segregation although some of them reached the presidency in Damascus. As for the conflict between the Baathists, especially under Saddam Hussein’s regime, it earned Syria’s Kurds some attention and understanding.
However, this in no way meant a response to their demands and the recognition of their identity, but rather their use as a tool in the conflict with Baghdad, which provoked disgruntlement among the Arab tribes that had settled in Al-Jazira and the joint areas with the Kurds. The situation completely changed following the American invasion of Iraq and especially after the March 2004 incidents in Qameshli and Deir ez-Zor - i.e. when the regime did not settle for launching campaigns against them, but also tried to reignite their old problems with the tribes.
But it is not enough to reassure the Kurds about the future, as there are other minorities which have started to be affected by the mayhem on the ground and the various affiliations and slogans of the armed men, and are consequently rushing towards the regime and seeking shelter beneath its cloak.
It is also not enough to accuse the West that is concerned about the jihadists’ phenomenon and is using them as a pretext to abstain from supplying the opposition with weapons – thus settling for the dispatch of limited funds – just like the latter should not be defended, even if they are part of the fighting bloc, because they will constitute a burden for any upcoming authority or alternative power in Syria.