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The Syrian president summoned the March 8 coalition’s representatives to Syria for a clear purpose; mobilize allies for the upcoming stage in the war and put them under the impression that he is about to emerge victorious over his own people and as strong as before.

A former deputy quoted Bashar al-Assad as saying that he is “discontent” with Lebanon’s Michel Suleiman and Najib Miqati because of the “dissociation policy” regarding what is happening in Syria. Is this a threat against the two men? Perhaps it is, and proceeding with caution in this case is a must.

A meeting with Assad

During their meeting with Assad, the representatives of the March 8 parties appeared as if they were sitting in the presence of their own president. They blessed his sitting on piled up corpses, blessed the blood that stains his hands and commended the huge destruction he achieved against “the conspiracy” which they “resist” like him. It is not strange that they support him. What is strange however is that they are with him after all they have seen during these two years? It is not even strange that they are against the Syrian people. They are after all against Lebanon itself and its people.

So why did Assad summon them? And what does this move imply? On one hand, it aims to respond to the “consensual atmosphere” which led to naming Tammam Salam as premier designate. On another, it aims to respond to the marginalization of the Syrian role and the preference of the Saudi one. As for what the action of summoning them implies, this is what we will find out amidst the process of forming a cabinet, which seems difficult. Forming a cabinet may encounter obstacles and may not be achieved because Assad is certainly “discontent” with the premier designate who asserted he supports the Syrian people.

As the “consensual atmosphere” is quickly eroded, it is hard to believe that Hezbollah and its allies were honest to begin with. The moment of accepting Tammam Salam as premier designate was not a moment of national awakening for them. It was merely a move in order to gain time and distract the public in Lebanon from what is happening there, between Hermel and Qusayr. The mountainous area in north east Lebanon has not been a Lebanese area for months now. Meaning, it no longer falls under the state’s and army’s sovereignty. Those who have been there say it is isolated and that there is no military presence in it except for Hezbollah members and Iranian “experts.” Amidst the eagerness to hold parliamentary and ministerial posts, the absence of governance, the regression of the cabinet and the very suspicious domestic and foreign silence, Hezbollah is committing a dangerous operation to obliterate the state and to disrupt relations between the Lebanese and the Syrian people.

This is the black and bloody atmosphere which encouraged Assad’s visitors, who were summoned upon his will, to say he is “content” and that they are content because he is content. What matters for Assad is that Hezbollah is carrying out the role asked of it in the plan to divide Syria. It does not matter what is happening in Beirut. The Syrian regime has exploited Miqati’s cabinet to the maximum. And here it is today, planting mines against Salam’s cabinet, that is if the latter actually sees the light.

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Abdul Wahab Badrakhan is a Lebanese journalist, who writes weekly in London's Al-Hayat newspaper among other Arab publications. Badrakhan was a journalist in 'Annahar' (Beirut) until 1979, in 'Annahar Arabic & international' magazine (Paris) up to 1989, in 'Al-Hayat' (London) as managing editor then deputy editor in chief until 2006. At present, Badrakhan is working on two books. The first book is on the roots of the experiences that have motivated young Arab men to go to Afghanistan. The second is devoted to Arab policies to counterterrorism, starting with the attacks of Sept. 11, 2001 and covering the ensuing wars.