Another war to rearrange the Middle East
A few months ago, not many Americans, or Europeans for that matter, knew that a Yazidi community even existed
A few months ago, not many Americans, or Europeans for that matter, knew that a Yazidi community even existed in northwest Iraq. Even in the Middle East itself, the Yazidis and their way of life have been an enigma, shrouded by mystery and mostly grasped through stereotypes and fictitious evidence. Yet in no time, the fate of the Yazidis became a rally cry for another U.S.-led Iraq military campaign.
It was not a surprise that the small Iraqi minority found itself a target of the fanatical Islamic State of Iraq and Syria militants, who had reportedly carried out unspeakable crimes against Yazidis, driving them to Dohuk, Erbil and other northern Iraqi regions. According to the U.N. and other groups, 40,000 Yazidis had been stranded on Mount Sinjar, awaiting imminent “genocide” if the U.S. and other powers didn’t take action to save them.
It goes without saying that U.S. policymakers care little for the Yazidis, for they don’t serve U.S. interests in any wayRamzy Baroud
The rest of the story was spun from that point on. The logic for intervention that preceded the latest U.S. bombing campaign of ISIS targets, which started in the middle of June, is similar to what took place in Libya over three years ago. Early 2011, imminent “genocide” awaiting Libya’s eastern city of Benghazi at the hands of Moammar Qaddafi was the rally cry that mobilized Western powers to a war that wrought wanton killings and destruction in Libya. Since NATO’s intervention in Libya, which killed and wounded tens of thousands, the country has fallen prey to an endless and ruthless fight involving numerous militias. Libya is now ruled by two governments, two Parliaments and a thousand militias.
Arriving at Mount Sinjar
When U.S. Special Forces arrived to the top of Mount Sinjar, they realized that the Yazidis had either been rescued by Kurdish militias, or were already living there. They found less than 5,000 Yazidis there, half of them refugees. The mountain is revered in local legend, as the final resting place of Noah’s ark. It was also the final resting place for the Yazidi genocide story. The finding hardly received much coverage in the media, which used the original claim to create fervor in anticipation for a Western intervention in Iraq.
We all know how the first intervention worked out. Not that ISIS’ brutal tactics in eastern, northern and central Iraq should be tolerated. But a true act of genocide had already taken place in Iraq, starting with the U.S. war in 1990-91, a decade-long embargo and a most destructive war and occupation starting in 2003. Not once did a major newspaper editorial in the U.S. bestow the term “genocide” on the killing and maiming of millions of Iraqis. In fact, the ISIS campaign is actually part of a larger Sunni rebellion in Iraq, in response to the U.S. war and Shiite-led government oppression over the course of years. That context is hardly relevant in the selective reporting on the current violence in Iraq.
U.S. policymakers care little
It goes without saying that U.S. policymakers care little for the Yazidis, for they don’t serve U.S. interests in any way. However, experience has taught that such groups only become relevant in a specially tailored narrative, in a specific point in time, to be exploited for political and strategic objectives. They will cease to exist the moment the objective is met. Consider for example, the fact that ISIS has been committing horrific war crimes in western and northern Syria for years, as did forces loyal to President Bashar al-Assad and militants belonging to various opposition groups there. Hundreds of thousands of Syrians have been killed and wounded. Various minority groups there faced, and continue to face, genocide. Yet, somehow, the horrifying bloodshed there was not only tolerated but in fact also encouraged.
For over three years, little effort was put forward to find or impose a fair political solution to the Syria civil war. The Syrians were killing each other and thousands of foreigners, thanks to what I believe are purposely porous Turkish borders, were allowed to join in a perpetual “Guernica” that, with time, grew to become another Middle Eastern status quo.
Weren’t the massacres of Aleppo in fact genocide? The siege of Yarmouk? The wiping out of entire villages, the beheading and dismembering of people for belonging to the wrong sect or religion?
Even if they were, it definitely was not the kind of genocide that would propel action, specifically Western-led action. In recent days, as it became clear that the U.S. was up to its old interventionist games, countries were being lined up to fight ISIS. U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry was shuttling the globe once more, “we believe we can take on ISIL (a variant name for ISIS) in the current coalition that we have,” he said. But why now?
In his speech on the eve of the 13th anniversary of the September 11 attacks, Obama declared war on ISIS. Obama’s tangled foreign policy agenda became even more confused in his 13-minute speech from the White House. He promised to “hunt down” ISIS fighters “wherever they are” until the U.S. ultimately destroys the group, as it supposedly has done with al-Qaeda. ISIS began as an idea and thanks to the U.S. global “war on terror” has morphed into an army of many branches. The U.S. never destroyed al-Qaeda; but it inadvertently allowed the creation of ISIS.
“That means I will not hesitate to take action against ISIL in Syria, as well as Iraq. This is a core principle of my presidency: If you threaten America, you will find no safe haven,” Obama said. Of course, he needed to say that as his Republican rivals have accused him of displaying a lack of decisiveness and his presidency of being weak. His party could possibly lose control over the Senate come the November elections. His fight against ISIS is meant to help rebrand the president as resolute and decisive, and perhaps create some distraction from economic woes at home.
That same media has also cleverly devalued and branded conflicts and acts of genocide in ways consistent with U.S. foreign policy agendas. While the Yazidis were purportedly stranded on Mount Sinjar, Israel was carrying out what I see as a genocide against Palestinians in Gaza. Over 2,150 were killed, mostly civilians, hundreds of them children, and over 11,000 wounded, the vast majority of whom were civilians. Not an alleged 40,000 but a confirmed 520,000 were on the run and along with the rest of Gaza’s 1.8 million were entrapped in an open-air prison with no escape. But that was not an act of genocide either, as far as the U.S. and other Western governments and media were concerned. Worse, they actively defended, and, especially in the case of the U.S., the UK, France and Italy, armed and funded the Israeli aggression.
Experience has taught us that not all “acts of genocide” are created equal: Some are fabricated, and others are exaggerated. Some are useful to start wars, and others, no matter how atrocious, are not worth mentioning. Some acts of genocide are branded as wars to liberate, free and democratize. Other acts of genocide are to be encouraged, defended and financed.
But as far as the U.S. involvement in the Middle East is concerned, the only real genocide is the one that serves the interests of the West, by offering an opportunity for military intervention, followed by political and strategic meddling to re-arrange the region.
The U.S. experience in Iraq also taught us that its effort would only succeed in exacerbating an already difficult situation, yielding yet more disenfranchised groups, political despair and greater violence.
Palestinian-American journalist, author, editor, Ramzy Baroud (www.ramzybaroud.net) taught Mass Communication at Australia's Curtin University of Technology, and is Editor-in-Chief of the Palestine Chronicle. Baroud's work has been published in hundreds of newspapers and journals worldwide and his books “His books “Searching Jenin: Eyewitness Accounts of the Israeli Invasion” and “The Second Palestinian Intifada: A Chronicle of a People’s Struggle” have received international recognition. Baroud’s third book, “My Father Was a Freedom Fighter: Gaza's Untold Story” narrates the story of the life of his family, used as a representation of millions of Palestinians in Diaspora, starting in the early 1940’s until the present time.
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